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Hoover HNT 514 6


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Comments to date: 8. Page 1 of 1. Average Rating:
pcmediccomp 5:49am on Thursday, September 9th, 2010 
the bottomline is definitely the price yes it...  its very portable, does everything i need it to do can load simple games on facebook.
stuttermonkey 6:13pm on Saturday, August 7th, 2010 
The mouse is really easy to use. I Wi-fied my house with a Belkin and that was seamless.
hckr83 12:16pm on Thursday, July 29th, 2010 
Small size and good power for the job it is designed to do. I use it more than my Gateway laptop.[...] Adequate Storage","Comfortable Keyboard".
JasonN 4:59am on Thursday, June 17th, 2010 
A few quibbles aside, this is the best netboo...  Performance is satisfying. Nice sized screen and keyboard.
cliu 8:29pm on Tuesday, June 8th, 2010 
Nice one for the ladies A relatively good buy glossy back means a lots of fingerprints at the back instantly could have used better materials for the ...
Norman Jones 9:42pm on Thursday, May 27th, 2010 
The ASUS 1201N is the result of good communication between manufacturer and end users.
duff 8:11pm on Friday, April 9th, 2010 
great without windows Its a pretty reasonable device. Runs fast enough for you to do some moderately intensive things too.
fyodor 12:50pm on Tuesday, April 6th, 2010 
HD screen is exceptional. perfect size. dual processor makes it powerful, 2gb memory makes it fast. worked perfectly right out of the box.

Comments posted on are solely the views and opinions of the people posting them and do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of us.



loiopny is adopted and followed by registered lobbyists among them, for instance, the gun Industry. On August 14,19M, on the Frank UcOee Report on the NBC Television Network, an NBA. spokesman described its nonlobbrlac activities of the NRA in this
A tototn* ui tlw UftaUttTe raito r*et(*M itporte from tet tmptoat. WlMOtvw > Ut* Immnakw Introdnow a gun control Mil UM infonnUoa to quickly fed to tbli odk*.
By "this office" the spokesman meant the upper reaches of the multt-mllUondoUar national headquarters of the National Rifle Association In downtown Washington, D.C.Mr. President, at the conclusion of my remarks, I would like the text of the Frank McOee report printed in the CONauaaoxu. RBCOKD. The PRESTDiNa OFFICER. Without objection. It is so ordered. (See exhibit 1.) Mr. DODD. Mr. President; consistent with the nontobby Image it spends Into the seven figures each year to project, oh September 1. 1966, the NRA shelled out Almost,10.000 for full paj4,jadj in

some Itngth in the

September 9, I960
moments before he nd the President arrived for church services with their wives nd aides. Later there was t. news conference at the LBJ ranch. Mr. Johnson opened It with a prepared statement." Johnson. "A communist military takeover In South Vietnam Is no longer just Improbable. As long as the United States und our brave allies are In the field it is impossible. And the single, most Important factor now is our will to prosecute the war until the communists, recognizing the futility of their ambitions, either end the fighting or seek a peaceful settlement. No one can say when this will be or how many men will be needed or how long we must persevere. The American people must know that there'll be no quick victory. But the world must know that we wlU not quit." Murphy. "Then the General talked. He was asked ir North Vietnam's resolve had weakened." Westmoreland: "There's no Indication that the resolve or the leadership in Hanoi has been reduced. There's every indication that this leadership has planned to continue the conflict In accordance with the present p.^ttern that prevails." Reporter: "I wonder If you can give us your assessment of the needed number of troops that will be needed tbe rest of this year. I think the number Is now 291,000." Westmoreland: "That ic approximately present strength. Additional troops are scheduled to come Into South Vietnam between now and the first of tbe year. Our strength, therefore. Is destined to increase. As to what will be required, I *m not prepared to say at this time. It depends upon the conduct and actions of the enemy." Murphy "Their four hour* of talk had ranged over virtually every aspect of the war. The White House did not say whether important strategy decisions had been made. The General called the visit 'officially profitable.' Chnrlcs Murphy, NBC news, San Antonio." McGcc: "The 196th Infantry Brigade, made up of 3800 soldiers, has arrived In South Vietnam. Increasing American military manpower there to 293,000. The unit was trained at Fort Devona, Massachusetts, for counter-guerrilla warfare. It was sent Immediately to Jen Villa post near the Cambodian border. "An American Army helicopter reportedly killed 6 Vietnamese civilians and wounded 15 others during an attack on suspected Vletcong targets In tbe Mekong delta. It was the third air-attack accident r wted in a week. "The United States comn '.d has reported the 10&< ol two more airpl. ice In raids on North Vietnam In the past week, the loos of 15 planes In seven days was rour more than the number lost during any previous week." McGcc: "The lunar orbltcr spacecraft wn maneuvered Into a course around the moon, today. Scientists at Pasadena, California, ilred the spacecraft by remote control, and It Is supposed to start taking pictures of the moon's surface on Wednesday. "The Food and Drug Administration, for all practical purposes, officially approved tlio use of oral contraceptive*) todny. The medical commntco which advises the P.D.A., said there is no scientific evidence that the pills which aro now on the market, aro dangerous. But the committee recommended that It bo left up to doctors to prescribe the pills to patients. Tito PJD.A, Commissioner, Dr. James Goddard, talked lo NBC news reporter. Harry Orlggs:1* Ouddard: "We today accepted the report of tho Advisory Committee on Oral Contraceptives. And the report laid, that there Ic no scientific evidence that the continued uto of these pllli U unsafe. It further recommends thnt the prevtou* time limitation, on th* use of oral contraceptive* b dropped, bccauM

Voice: "This Jar Is to flght. or to riniv,?e A-165 from the present state leglslarure. This Is placed here so that sportsmen can drop their contributions in this Jar, and as we will need a goodly amount, of money to run this to the United SUUs Supreme Couit which Is our Intention. "It is our oplr.ion that the citizen has the right to ktcp and bear arms by virtue of the Second Amendment of the Constitution of the United States." Another (Contending) Voice. "Now this Is a mis-st.ucment of the United States Constitution. As a matter of fact, the United States Constitution states that each state Is entitled to have a mllltla. and for that purpose \.'.~c citizens of that state have the right to bear arms. And It must be remembered that this was written at a time when the government did not purchase arms and ammunition for Its citizens. But each citizen was. ns a matter of fact. In those days a pioneer, and for his own safety and security and for the purpose of getting food, had to have a rifle or shotgun. As well, perhaps, as a pistol or revolver." Voice. "Restrictive legislation at the present time is the Initial step in the take-over of this country. Remember, 19 of your 21 nations In world history have been taken o\cr from the Insldo. never from the outside. They decayed from within, and were taken over very easily from within. "And here local people with firearms, and for their own protection and for the protection of the country, would be a \ery. \cry good thing." Another Voice' "It's like trying to grab a fistful of fog. It's like saying, as some of these people do, 'We need these rlhcs and shotguns in order to keep the communists off our shores.' And It serves no purpose to tell them th-'.* this Is a nuclear age, and we arc well passco the spirit of 17 hundred and 70, at least v.ith respect to defending ourselves with rifles and shotguns." Voice. "We have had unfortunate type of Incidents in respect to our fighting the type of legislation which Is not good for the United States. In that, it has been rctcaicd to us, that on some occasions, that nn underground force has been In the field of this operation which Is aimed at disarming Uie American people." Another Voice: "Throughout the country, in the lost seven or eight years, we have hod 8500 or more murders a year. And these 8500 or more murders have been committed by persons who are not only criminals, but fall into other categories, as for example, the FIJI Rcixirts Indicate to us that over 80 per cent arc committed by people who are emotionally or mentally disturbed. Now tho availability of guns to these people, In my opliiion. has caused many of these murders." Voice. "It Is assumed that strict gun-control laws. If wo know what those mean, will crime in America. It la our view that crime is related to the purpose and Intent and what Is In the heart of man, and not what a gun would prescribe." Another Voice. ' On occasion I have very facetiously pointed a finger at these people. i>nd siud, Bang! Banp!' And when they looked at me, 'Now what ore you doing.' I said, 'I Just killed you.' They G.iul, Well, you're being silly.' I suU. 'No, I in nut being silly. It must l>o u|> pi related that yu don't Kill with a linger. You kill w i t h a weapon.' " McClrc "There is unending and somcUnu>s hhrlll >p|)uMi.uu to supporter* ot, Hulf a ctu/i'U m.ijor bh'iing niagn/.iiics r.ix. Aliiiuly |tah the guu-l^Miy |<iUly line lliai the tin/.en lout <ui alinuit unqualified ngni to buy and bear arms. NRA docs a hefty amount of publishing. In addition to the monthly magazine, the 800.000 circulation AnuTlmn Rifleman, the organisation piiuus about one hundred different titlch evcr> ic.u These linlude training and technical mail-

u.Js. pamphlets concerning shooting mat-dies, "lid outright propaganda on what NRA calls the 'gun law problem.' 'All the propaganda from Uie gun lobby cannot obscure the fact that there are about IT.Ouu fauil shooungs a year In this country. But the NRA says no gun control law could stopped Charles Whitman from buying a gun. "Tl.ere Is a relationship between tough gun laws and the number of homicides. Texas has a weak weapons lav;. And a study for one year showed that Dallas had a murder rate nearly three times higher than New York, which, has the country's toughest state law on pistols and revolvers. ' Nationally, the prospect for a strong gun control bill is in doubt. The Senate Is likely to pass some sort of measure which may include restrictions on mail order sales of guns. The bill could run into trouble In the House. A number or C ugrcssmcn from the West, vi here hunting Is popular, reportedly oppose any gun control measure. And despite President Johnson's public call for passage of a federal bill. It Is said that he Is putting no direct pressure on Congress. And the absence of such pressure makes it easier for Congressmen to proscrastlnate. It Is quite possible that, for the foreseeable future. Americans, good and bad, sportsman and killer, will find It Just ns easy to acquire guns as they have in the past."


Proceedings ond Debates of ihe B9lh Congress

LP-4 (K Jot 5) BILL

DATE 8-26-66


Remarks "by Mr. Dodo.
MSED TOR PKPERAI. P1HKARMS r.yiyof:ATTffff. nfPKkATTVK Mr. PODD. Mr. FtaMebt, S w -ago iherewMa nuaMere to Anetm, Tex., when a "shooter" with a well-stocked arsenal went berserk. He murdered 18 innocent people and wounded more than 30 others. Two weeks ago today in New Haven, Conn., a man. apparently insane, shot up the cafeteria of the Winchester Club, the employee cafeteria "of.the Olln Mathie*ori Chemical Corp.'s Winchester gun factory. He wpuhdMl four persons WM bJaectf"- thepoUee; ". nan wttbmrineihot to flfi pMple and wounded two children and a do*. Because rium been working for years to pass a Federal law to make it more difficult for criminal*, addict*, and the mentally deranged to arm themselves, I have been asked to comment on each of the incidentstragedies which I believe can be reduced significantly. I can only repeat what I said 2 weeks ago: It happened last week. It happened this week. It will happen next week. And it will continue to happen until there are stricter gun laws. Each of the 385 days last year 15 people were murdered with a tun. How lonr will thi* carnage continue? I hope the Concnew will listen to the MO million American* who want a new Federal law to end It u soon as po*Uble.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD Proceedings and Debates of the 89th Congress tD-4 (.> 5) __



A*ffU*t f5, 199$


may.hav* coat b Mto of

*M B*n* BO etrta* law* agatae* the " We do amy th** tf 1 >afgBaa.butacoede.aBdrti _ > tf th* majority wooM enact *mUar waM might BO* haw so eaeUy < late***., mall order gun with which r Mevgh. th* President asked lor tagta- was aaeecatnatod. tattoo, curbing mail-order sale*. IB. May. We do aay. too. that the recent tragedy m ~ ~ id ^h* Ten* eeaphaame* **> need- for legislation trill which Mr. Johaso* approved, ye* today. * wffl mate It lees Hk*ly ttet (ua* vI it >' ilMptm te tb 8U JodtcUry ua- flad tbrtr wj Into ta* auidt of JwranllM, Mitt**. pqreboiMtb* and otbn who do not BM* hard for nta bin and Sen- with their i. IV*BW, minority taad- We have called for proper gun :. th* assd for awa togtaUtion. when there's been a pobUc outcry about guns m. of both parttoa. committed and when there bis been public sUeoce. totwanpport. Other*said.week the country doe* not get legislation it we* denloranle to trad* on which ta properly restrictive, then th* day wltt f^w>* whan It got* legislation which ta th* President^ word that **!y * to press for enactment. The i will haw th* opportunity to of dMth throofh UM
on thaoMapni ofth* of Tian* ta forth* TMie* of th* B**d for troBff*r ataU Icftalattao on th* Ml* of gna* and for ffoettv* f*d*nl l*glala ttoa (OTvnlac th* nan ord*r aJ* of tuna. Tb* bfn 8*0. Do* of Ooam*etl<:ut to pot control* on th* naU ordar and or-Ui*-<winUr aato of flnaraaa bat b**n bator* th* B*nat* JwUdary CoaaMilttM atac* May. with so Indication of wbm It wm b* etoarad for 8naU action. Th* ao-odtad gun lobby to a powerful Moe. It baa wwkad to prevent cotijiaiilnnrt action for many month*. T* dec* tb* It ta about Urn* that ConraH take* action. If tb* Dodd Bill to too rtrooc or too waric. tbm It abould b* property anxmUil. Than tbta bill, or on* more acceptable. abould b* enacted. We agree with Fxeddent Johnion that a gun control law might not prevent an each tngedlee at tb* one In Anetln. And we do agree with him. that there atoold b* netrlctlone on the ad* of nreama ~to than who cannot be trusted in their WM Vurthermore. we aik wltto. htm. "How many live* might' be caved a* a eonaequenceT" (From the Danbury Mewa-Tunca, Aug. 11. Ohm LAW* An Ifaiaaiiii Hie aecond Amendaent of th* UJ8. OOMMtutlon la not nearly ao w*U known aa other article* in the Bill of Right*. It reada: "A well regulated MUlda, bring mceaary to the aeeurtty of a tree State, the tight of the people to -keep and bar Anna, aball Mot be infringed." A* a reading of the entire articlefchowa,tt eonoama the militia, or aa we know It today. the national Quart. In time o< war. when the National Quart ha* been mobilized, the duty of tb* militia hat devolved upon th* Bute Guard. Becaua* the eeoond half of th* article ha* to be read In th* oontest of the entire arttala, we dlaagree with one of today* totter witter* who ueerU that federal firearm* ngulaUoa* would interfere with the constitutional rlgbei of all American dUaen*. We nnd nothing in th* article which prevent* the federal govenunant from arto*ttat rultabto and effective leglalarlon oontrolMng tb* *al* of guna by mall or actcee itat* hnea, Mor do we hold with another letter writer that ntepati*i "cream" about Meter gam

So tteyyropOM to Itett

than UghUr eontroto vnt kalvw haT Mooktd tht aMalM ilfi"cht**'
of kwain otranfwnont, to Ml* on. Mitowlny tb* rolm of tk* aattoja fiipll. w hoold toapoat tujMar oowoto OB tk* tf* of bread >'"t*. avtaatobUa* ** othw tnart UMtraaMnto' which annually
MMA tkOOHBdS Of dhBtttlM VlMD. flKlVIMVA kV
darai^irt or taopt iadtrktiuU. Farhap* w -4ioakl all ragtotar our band* and h flnfatpinUd It on* of u> turn teto aatraDfltr. Mot too lone aflo. Mr. tritltmt you war* XofltowB: "Tott do tit^ BawtaM In tb Uht of tb* banafito tt wUl If proparly aHmlntotarad. b to th> of tta* wronti tt would do and th* it vonld eaoi* tf inpni|Mrly
W* might oatnmant that thto to, on th* fae* of It. a pretty cynical toUBMDt. r*fl*ct Inf llfj* top-l*Tl tnwt In th jwt administration of laiUlattv* utonUon. W* boot bum* you. Mr. PnaMant. for thto mlatnMt; w* atur* It! But did you aay what you war* qaaUA a> taylngr And did you sMan It?. If ao ow ean you upvutt utl-rxm laftolatlonf limntor Dooo ayi you art rupportlnf It, and your own public tatetntru hart ititiflrmul your poilUon. Tet you mu*t know that th* nraaraM-raitrloUT* hUto to which you ha** fftan your blalngi an not only flagraaUy TulMrabl* to tepropar xlmlntotratlon but an (a) uaataai In aehtorlnf thatr avow*d MM (b) hamful to Innoeant pMpU U proparry dmtnUtoradl Tou na*d laak to M*w Tort Olty mad Philadelphia forenmpU*. Tn* MI* objactln of tnu-cun lastotoUoa. atoordlAf to lt propotMoU. U to curb art**. But M*w York* ulllTaa law do* notWag to curb orUn*. CMaUnate laoh at It. Outj thoa* who ob*7 th* law an< aarmad toft to th* pout wtar* tb* ot bvMlnai la th* alty ar* d "top McortV amtrat 1m th* *na* *f prlvftto piardt, bW|Ur alanti , rmond doon and wido*I
. ^ A 'J ] O , '" L O *i

pAseisi 18952-3

ACTION: Mr. Metcalf supporting the bill

DATE 1 8-18-66

the Senator 'from Nebraska fMr. Hiuoul Initiated a discussion of the question of the need for the regulationof firearm* and of S. 1592, the proposal pending- In the Committee on the Judiciary, In particular. Much that has appeared In news media In recent days has made It appear that the enactment of such a proposal as 8: 1592 would assure that firearm* no fencer would be misused for criminal purposes. There has been a (lib generality In I haw baar* s*d nad ted onlnfonM* panons to

Auyuxt. 1C, 1966

Specifically, the w-vaJlid D-tIJ bill. S. 53'J. even though It hAS b.e- as result of hc-innr-, .r.riK the 1/t fcssSon t Uic Sjth CVru-ro-' Is si.ll r->pu ;r.-int to nost citizens, arjd e-rtassly so to ovcnfhcln:ng numbers of.-ir.icrJcari fportfniri. gun ollcctorf. and lc-.-.n.utT i>.i2.rrs or iscrs of jp^ri-r.;: r.-i--. ci.--tiTic of the r/rokj--.j.-,j <.f *.!! RU.'.d.pilose umiecc.'~ri!y s;-.cre hird^ on :ounTlcss small firearms dealers in O:u-gon aid elsewhere. Additionally. K-guciu-^s of.he terms of S. ISM c-auld result IB a conreyance of srbltrxiry jx/n-ers to a Federal igcncy v.hich miht rcr-.e u co-Mr.nenc effective. state rcgxiUt.v r* ir. t;.i _re.k. There arc many other objcctlora to this bill, as may he rccn through a review of the hearing records.
The Governor of the State of Idaho. Robert E. Smylie. in a letter to me of May 20. I9G6. made several si-mificant observations on S. 1592. The Governor stated:
Any action now taken could -ir.d should be freed on calm, thoughtful reasoning and judgment rather than to be conceived In hysteria and founded vrs emotion.

He soundly counsels that

It would be quite unnx.iLs.uc ar.d r-xdhardy to believe that a man bent upon assassinating the President could be effectively Jeterrcd by any statutes regulating or prohibiting the c jr:d po-itjo. fl.cti-.u %t-^p
To support this position, the Governor cites Mr. Justice Daii-ilas:
Pear of.i.'-*isslr;aaon often products restraints compatible wltii dicM-tor: hip. not democracy.
Governor Smylie further co on S. 15D2 as follows:
Even thc.iKh S. 1552 ,Dod1 \:'.\\\ his been amended following fce-iT.rrs belrc held during the lt session of the 83th C<>r.vxszx. It still retains many features thjt arc objectionable to westerners and particularly fo as to Idaho's share of the rr.orc ti.^n 11 million cK^cas c! ti.c Nai.^n '*liO purctu^c l;u:.:lr.g llcer^cs e >th ji'.vr. plus th3&: people who re p-jns '. -r oUur hobby and recreational purpo-rr The r.ddiUonal fact tha: provis.otj, of this bill would place \>nnecc.-iry oooltfcerp.nR and.\ burdur.s on small rrearms dealers Is :ii~o a matter w.rr.intlri5 cuiu.<JiT.ul:>n.

approach represented by the pending legislation. History provides many examples of government control over the purchase or possession of firearms. None Is admirable In origin or effect. We starch In vain for evidence of * statute which has lowered the rate of crime evidence before Its adoption. The most eloquent firearms law Is tlie one under which, the club members of our council haic spent their lives. We are qualified both by training and *.hc experience of our dally lives to speak of It knowingly. We can Judge the probable experience of this Nation If S. 1592 Is adopted by our own experience under our local law This judgment leads to the conviction that the most prominent effect of S. 1592 would be a substantial and prolonged Increase In the rate of violent crime throughout the Nation. This Judgment is neither reached nor voiced frivolously, or without great study. It arises because ol the marked similarities of approach between S. 1592 and chapter 136 ol the laws of 1893 (New York.). the recodlficatlon of what Is known as the Sullivan law. That law has been covered In such detail from so many sources. Including Senate hearings In 1964. that Its structure can be passed over here, and attention focused on Its results. Those results, for New York City, the Jurisdiction for which we can speak from personal experience and authority, are summarized below: 1. A substantial reduction In the number of firearms In the hands of lawful citizens with great damage to reputable commerce In arms and ammunition. (Viz. number of licenses Issued each year.) 2. An appalling increase In the rate of violent crime, and of the importance of violent crime as a percentage of total crime. (Viz. appended statistics for violent and total crime categories from New York City Police Department reports. Note that violent crimemurder, rape, robbery, felonious assault, and burglaryhas risen from 24 percent of all felonies In 1945 to -17 percent of all felonies In 1964 ) 3. An Inconccalable explosion In the cost of providing police protection to the citizens of this city. It may at flrst glance prove difficult to accord these results to a law whose avowed purpose and constantly repeated defense l that It serves to contain the criminal. Nonetheless, the conclusion Is Inescapable that. Just as prohibition, under the Volstead Act turned us Into a nation characterized by wanton and promiscuous consumption of alcoholic beverages, the "Sullivan law" has had the paradoxical effect of spawning violence where none existed, and of reinforcing the power of the professional criminal. The citizen walking abroad in the streets of New York City is an open Invitation to the criminal. The lawbreaker knows that his victim hag been stripped of the means of self-defense, and that bystanders or witnesses have been similarly shorn of their ability to act as dcfcrrcnt to the crime, defense to the victim (and by fear of subsequent irresistible violence), or witness to the prosecution. Given this Incentive, the criminal has armed himself with unprecedented frequency, and engaged In crimes of a nature almost proscribed by the previous condition: namely, that a few (certainly a small percentage, but an existing percentage nonetheless and sii(Helent to serve as a deterrent) of Ills potential victims had the means to resist a criminal attack, and leave the attacker dcnd upon the s'.rcct. Under the "Sullivan law." we have encountered curious phenomena: witnesses fearful of even summoning police (let alone of providing testimony) In anxiety over retribution; rapists capable of attacking up to 30 women before encountering a condition of seriously threatening resistance; and cltlzni under Indictment for acting In firmed

August K, 1966

liable statistics availableI would doubt appraisal of pending legislation to sethat there arc. due to the complexity of verely restrict the sale and shipment of the problemon the ratio of crimes com- firearms. He has performed a valuable public mitted as a result of mental disorders in relation to those committed by sup- sen-ice by placing this subject in proper posedly sane persons. There Is a prob- perspective, and I concur strongly in his lem of definition involved. I believe, remarks. Emotional hysteria among some seghowever, that crimes committed by the criminally insane, if I may use that con- ments of the public i.icvl,.ab;y follows a cept, arc significantly fewer than those shocking act of \:olencc. The reaction committed by pcrsor.s in control of their Is understandable but rarely logical or constructive. actions. The constitutional and practical arguI make these observations, Mr. President, in support of one very important ments a;aLi~t S. 1592 remain a^ stro.ig point which I wish to make. Although as ever. They have not been changed I do not profess to know all of the proper or eliminated by what happened at the methods of treatment for persons with University of Texas. In our sympathy for the victims and criminal backgrounds. I do know that excusing their actions, imposing punfch- their families. let us not delude ourselves nents too lisht to fit the nature of the with the proposition that curtailing the crime, and blaming the individual crim- citizen's rijht to buy arms for legitimate inal's action on "society" is not the purposes will prevent or even reduce the rate or assault and murder. proper way to meet the problem. No law could have prevented a menMen must be held accountable for their actions. Mr. President. We do a tally disturbed student from turning great disservice to the Individuals Invol- suddenly into a mass killer. V/e must ved, both the felon and the victim keep this fact in mind as we consider and to societywhen we do not im- legislation to impose stringent regulapose proper punishment on the a;cnt of tion on the acqui.sit.on of f'.carms in our country. the crime. Our experience with mo:c tu-trictivc Nt only Is It wbc that criminals be removed from society for a duration to regulation at the State level points to protect Innocent persons, but punish- the contrary. The official abstract figment may constitute the only warning ures show that the incidence of homisignal of the impropriety of his actions cide with a cun per 100.000 population Is generally hicher m those States with that the younr crimir"! may have. We hear a great deal today about the more restrictive laws than it is in States responsibility for crime lying on the with few restrictions. Mr. President. I sincerely believe that doorstep of every American except at the doorstep of the criminal. It is ;.rcucd S. 159.2 poses a serious question of inthat the criminal Is the product of his fringement on the second amendment. environment, his genes, his urbrinzin^. Bat even if no constitutional Issue e:> and other factors ad Infinit'im. That, Ir.ted. there arc many other reasons to boing the prisoner of his history, the reject this bill. All of us recognize that a major probcriminal is not responsible, but that society, in not furnishing him with fa- lem in the field of firearms contr jl arises vored circumstances, is somehow solely from the dumping of surplus foreign military weapons on the market. The accountable. I do not believe this theory. Mr Presi- number cf rifles and pistols entering our own domestic market channels from this dent. Neither do I believe in legislation which source has s really increased since World would In effect punish those law-abid- War II. This flow of weapons could be limited ing members of orr society who want to purcii" ?, own, and use guns for sport. or even prohibited by the executive Their actions are blameless. It is un- branch without any new law. The aufair and It Is folly to deny them their thority exists under the Munitions Control Act. Why not use the power we alrights to purchase and use firearms. If we arc lj pass, Federal legislation ready have to crack down on tlila flood aimed at curt: iling the distribution of of foreign arms? The National Rifle Association and firearms. I could support specific legislation aimed at keepin: firearm* from many oihtr uruan^aUoiu, have exthe possession of felons and minors. prco-</d support u' executive action unI think this Is as far as we can Justi- der t!ie cx.stiiiJ statutory authority. fiably RO in this direction at the Fed- Bat notliiu ha.s been done. In our testimony before the Judiciary eral level. I oppose all proposed legislation which would Impede the sale and Subcommittee last year, both the senior distribution of lireirms for sportim pur- St-nator from Colorado -nd I noted the poses. I believe the States arc betu-r economic hardship aiu public Inconjudr.cs cf their requirement.'. th.n the rci.lcnce that would result from the FederaJ Government. blanket mall-order prohibition and fee Americans have a consiiluU.'Hial punr- Increases called for In S. 1392. nntcc which we mast fully oteorvc in In my own State of Arizona, more than considering this ler^slatlon. I will not 150.000 residents and visitors annually r.upport. and I hope thr Senate docs not participate in some kind of hunting acsec fit to enact, le^iolatjjn which would tivity. They make a substantial con.ib^.J^^ the rlshl of thi- people to keep tribution to cffectue management and wid bear arms. continued development of our cnmc re; Mr. FANNIN. Mr. President. I wish sources. to commend the distinguished Senator They are assisted materially by the from Nebraska for his calm and studious fact that many small retail establish-

8.1592DO THE STATES WANT THI3 JjOND OF HELP? Mr. HRTJggA. Mr. President. S. 1592. the administration's controversial firearms control bill, has been reported favorably from. le Juvenile Delinquency Subcommittee and will be considered by the lull Senate Judiciary Committee In the new future. This bill has evoked a storm of criticism, much of It coming from sportsmen's and conservation groups. However, the protest is not limited to these groups by any means. On the contrary, my malland this Senator is sure that the mail of other Senators also reflects an outpouring from across the Nation from citizens who are rightly alarmed at the prospects of S. 1582 being enacted. Such a letter was received recently by my good friend, the distinguished Senior Senator from Idaho [Mr. JORDAN]. Senator JOKDAK thoughtfully provided
Mr. Smylic then offers a meaningful criterion that any Federal firearms control legislation should serve: "to strengthen existing, and, in most cases, adequate State laws" and suggests this can be done by broadening the provisions of the Federal Firearms Act of 1938 so that It would be violation of the act for any persons to sell or ship firearms in Interstate or foreign commerce in violation of any State firearms statute. The present law is narrower in that the Federal sanctions now apply only to persons who ship or sell in violation of State permit law. He properly contends that the destructive devices such as antitank guns, bazookas, and the like should be regulated as machlneguns are now under the provisions of the National Firearms Act of 1934. This is the approach of S. 1591, a bill Introduced by the dlstinglushed Senator from Connecticut [Mr. DODD! now pending in the Senate Finance Committee. Although there are minor problems of definition, it is a measure that this Senator su-ports in principle. Its approach to the problem is much better than the sections of S. 1592 which deal with the subject. S. 1592 would require prior r ">lice approval before a sale or transfer of a destructive device could be made tc an individual, whereas S. 1591 would extend the provisions of the National Firearms Act which crM for registration of such devices. No prior police clearance is necessary.


requ.rc a l.ccrise or permit to pu possess a firearm ordinarily used for recreation or defense of person and property nor should It leave the right to possess such a firemarm dependent upon the whim or will of a public officer. "Our founding fathers thought the right to bear arms so important that it was incorporated in the Bill of Rights ciirectlr niter the F.isl An;c:.Uinci.l pr\,tc\.tir.g freedom of speech a:><2 rci.g.^n. In ;cic of the close h-si-yrical cj^.-.ctti n between the weapons used by the mll:t:a and those kep* by private citizens, the framcrs of tjie Second Amendment must hav- felt that every citizen should have the absolute right to keep and bear arms, not only to defend his country, but also to defend his person and posseM.ur,s ahd fir ^thcr l-xftfal reasons If Congress Ies-"I.i'.es vuth respect to th.i subject under tile c^mrr-crce clai^c. t ^hou.J dj 3 la juch a a.- ric: to unreasonably on the exercise of that right by the citizenry." I fee: compiled to pclr.t out tliat. If "i body of law abidlr.g clt^ns subject t:.mselces to 'clr.g Ic<riIIy dj^armcd. it follo^o that they j-c thereby deprived uf the cf dcTer^c against a :.i:css m.n^ritj which Is a_'*.ir iblc by seme me.i.s t j supply itself with letjial instruments. If anything, the disarming of the would encourage the criminal In hi.ict'vitles. k:.;r.c th.%: he w'jld be dea'lng with an \;r.nned defersrless cltlzrnry In m attempt to Icjrisliflve mure against the use and user of in object rather th.xn hc objec^ "wlf. more coiuldcmtion should bo given to prohibitions relative to the purch.ving use or can-vlng cf weapons by certain classes of people " the blind. fe:ons. and pcr.>ns ron Ci:.n.p.>s mentis or di*.-^I *tc in t nbtts. It Is n^'ablo the Nitsonal Rife.\~.v>ci.-xri^n the Xatlon.-il Wildlir^ Pede-itlon. the Wddlifc.\fanagement Institute and other conservvlon orginlut'.-r-ns have t.iken suuid.i in opp,-s|tlin t< the several objectionable features of the Dodd bill. I h^vc been advi^ed that nn excellent review made of the pros and cons of this overall matter by Sen.itor IftrsKA of Ncbnsfcn was entered on pages of the CuNGp.n^iu.NAt. RECORD on March 15. "i<36 As a reasonable and realistic altern.divc me.ins of attaining sub^t.xntlally the s.ime objective of corarollmg mail order purch.ues of firearms by such people as the menuilty unstable. Juveniles and comirted felons. I would recommend enactment of S 1005. following such minor amendments as those pruposcd by Senator HIU-SKA. This aitern.iliic bill would then be both effective as provisions and also acceptable to our Citi/ons. p,irtlcul.irlj our western people. Sincerely. Ronmr E

ii-a.p-raii.j dominated by crises uhJ-Ji Inflame the popular mind, nnd too often it Is erroneously thought at the moment that all the Ills can be cured by some kind of restrictive;or. But "It would be quite unrealistic and foolhardy to believe that a man bent upon assassinating the President could be effectively deterred by any statute reKtii.itiiig or pruli.bui.ig the purchase and possession of lethal weapons." A remA.-k tn.-it seems iippropv'S *os m.idc by Justice Douglas of the United States Supreme Court as part of a 19G3 statement on the Bill of Rights: "Fear of assassination often produces restraints compatible with dictatorship, not democracy." Even though S. 1592 <Dodd Dill, has been."tended fv.iowmg hearings held during the llrst session of the 63th Congress, it stii! retains many features mat arc or>jecUoi*blc to westerners and rxu^xil.u.y so as to Idahus share of the more than fourteen million law abiding citizens of the nation who purchase hunting hcejucs each year, plus those people vvho use funs lr hubbj rccrcauonal purposes. The additional fact provisions of tnls biil would place unnecessary bwjk-'.ctp.iig and^^ative rJcns on small f.rcarms dealers is also a.tter warranting consideration. I concur with a resolution adopted ^7 the St-ntc Bar of Michigan in opposition to some of trie restrictive features of such proposed federal enactments. That resolution pointed out that Michigan un our case. Idaho i. being a leader in the sale of hunting licenses. mlcht !rv>e considerably because such re_:rlc::ons. if adopted, wc-uld tend to discourage p<rr>ons desiring to encage in this extensive and salutary form of recreation. The resoluort further Mated that 'It is the view of the State Bar of Michigan that any law restricting rirhts granted under the Second Mn-Tidmont Is not a function of Consri^ss bu^ that any necessary regulation should be rn.idc by state statute under the police p^>^vtr which rests In the states and not in the federal government " I also succcs, that any federal legislation r nwmplated should p-eforably sen'e to streOK'ht:i existing, and In mos: crws.idcqiiate state laws. Tills could be done by amending the Fedora] Firearms Act whereby l' would be un!.-iful to sell nr ship firearms to any person in vlolntlon of anv <ta?.r- flr"k rm <:t.irut The proper federal approach would also Include pnf"Ura(rement to !' >se tUiics lacking effective laws to adopt me.'usuros which v>uld prorltlr uniform enactments at level th-iiichoiit tlie rourtfry Bcrr-nd U.>sc a'.ready mentl-ned there are a nu.nbcr of addltljnal aspects of S 1502 of gre.'it c< nrorn to m.irty po-pV It is felt that the legislation should be almCQ otily At such destructive contrivances ns [intl-Uink g\ms. bazookas, machine guns.>ncers aiid similar iirirunxcntiuul deuces Tins rouIJ 1/c cK.rc qiiltc limply aiid easily by amending the Flrc.inns Act. which already covers machine Runs rather than bv amrndiiig the Federal Fir'.us Act Blued de.ilj prin.\rily with spurunR arms.Uid ammunition. LogLsIatiiig iuU. dangerous nnd weapons r.ither than sporting firearms which nre used d.uly by tens of thousands of people would demonstrate a definite Intention to protft society from n recognlred menace. t>urh an amendment to the National Firearm* Act v uulil i>t Infringe up. u or unrc-.v3oii.ibiy rr,-'.n<.l the legitimate ri(.ht of pL'isuhal ur ptiMii defence ur tlie sport arid rev me of firearms nnd wc.ilrt be within Uic reasonable nnd constitutional cxcrelso of police power to curb crtine. It would not rcuilt In cxtrcm.- restrictions relative to iJio purchase or use of turns which, by common upminn and unngc u( law nbidifig people nro proper nnd IcgH.mato. Any sluu.d uot rt.str^t or

support given the bill (S 1592 > by the bar, and I commend him in this regard. There being no objection, the address was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:
EFFECTIVE FEDERAL FIR-.KMS LEGISLATIONA MODSIUTE RESPONSE TO A CRITICAL PROBLEM I understand that the house of delegates will this week consider a resolution In suppo't of Senate bill 1592. which would amend and greatly strengthen the Federal Firearms Act. I am. together with Senator THOMAS J. DODD, of Connecticut, and otters, a sponsor of this legislation. I am also a member of the subcommittee that has been holding hearings on the bill. I. therefore, welcome this opportunity to explain the reasons I support It. This bill has been the target of heavy fire from one of the most intense pressure campaigns I have ever seen. I have received thousands of letters, most of them based, I am sorry to say. on misleading propaganda and misinformation. If I thought the heavy mall I am receiving represented the Informed opinion of my constituents. It would give me great pause. But, It is clear that the overwhelming majority of writers do not understand what the bill would really do. In the case of one group of several hundred letter-, obviously inspired by the National Rifle Association, the writers uniformly misspelled my name. Now, my wife says that Is a good way to cut a Junior Senator down to size. But, I can tell you It Is not the way to Impress him that the writer Is well Informed. I wish to make clear at the outset that this bill would not interfere with the legitimate use of firearms. I, myself, am a hunter. There Is nothing I enjoy more then a mornIng In the duckbllnds with Major, our Chesapeake Bay retriever. I am also an enthusiastic. If not accurate, skeet shooter. If I thought this bill really Interfered with bona fide hunters and sportsmen, I would oppose It with all my force. Rather, I am persuaded after careful study and extensive hearings that the bill as drawn, with only a few minor amendments. Is a reasonable and moderate response to a serious national problem. We read dally of shootings, murders and armed felonies. We all arc aware that crime has become a problem of crisis proportions. I am convinced from the facts that the uncontrolled distribution of guns Is contributing to our crime problem. The particular evil which Is the target of the firearms bill is uncontrolled Interstate mall-order trnfllc In guns and destructive devices. This traffic Is placing lethal weapons In the hands of minors without the knowledge or consent of their parents. It Is allowing criminals and the mentally unstable to obtain weapons they could not get legally on the local market. It Is stocking the private arsenals of secretive extremist groups the Ku Klux Klan, the Black Muslims, and the so-called It.mutcmcn. Abovo all, it Is undermining the firearms laws and regulations of our States and cU.s. Tho bulk of the mall-order trade, and especially of that part which this legislation Is Intended to choke off, consists of cheap foreign weaponsmostly military castoirs which arc being dumped on our shores by the millions. Most of these imported guns arc of Inferior quality, often to the point of endangering their owners. Most arc unsultcd for hunting, sport shooting, or any other legitimate activity. Even the National Rlflo Association professes itself willing to sec these Import.*! curbed. law enforcement agencies can clto case after case In which mall-order weapons have been used In the perpetration of crime, Incident after irnglc Incident of accidental In-

anj pw-sscf.~:v.n thereof ar.y.tnunuii:*: r- '--a destructive device. "il. It shall be unlawful for any per- :: to knowingly receive any firearm or ammunition which has been imported or Brought Into the United States or any possession thereof In violation of the provisions of :h~Act." SEC 3 Section 3 of the Federal F-.r.--rrrAct is amended to read as follows "See. 3. (a) No person shall engage ;n tidiness a.-.1 firearms or.\mmunit:oi> -n. porter, manufacturer, or dealer until he h:>i illcd an application with, ar.d rccel\cd.' 1. cenic to do so from, the Secretary The application sha'.l be in such fc-.Tn arid con:.:r. such information as the Sccrctnry shall b. regulations prcicrlbc. 2ach applicant shaf: be required to pay a fee for obtaining ruch licenfc ifi-r ench pUcc of business a.follows 11. If.1 manufacturer^ ' <Ai of deitractive device*, a fee.: i: 0<xr per annum. '(Bi of firearms (o:her than cies'r. ". ' dci Ices i. a. fee of S500 per annum "(2) If an Importer "Aj of destructive de-.lccs. a fee ,.' s:.OW per annum. "iBi of firearms (other than des:.-.A- c cictlcesi. a fee of S500 per annum "(3) If a dealer ( Ai in destructive devices, a fee of $per annum. iB) who Is a pawnbroker (dealing in firearms other than destructive de-.Ices), a fee of 250 per annum. 1C; in firearms Bother than as described in subparagraphs |A> or B , ,. a fee of $100 per annum. The fee fur an Importer or m.xi.uf.icturei of, or a dealer in. ammunition for a destructive device shall be the same as for an Importer or Tianufacltircr of. or a uialcr in destructive devices, and the fee for a':. Importer or manufacturer of. o: a dealer in firearms ammunition shall be the same ti for an importer or manufacturer of or a, t.c.dc. in such firearms. However, a person aho i.a* obtained a license covering firearms &!.,. not be required to obtain an '.cense with respect to ammunition. ibi Upon filing by an applicant ol n.t. prescribed application and payment of ll.c prescribed fee. the Secretary shall (except as provided In subsection t c j i. Issue to s.!. applicant the license applied for. wl.icii it.:. subject to the provisions of th.s A.;, ai.u other applicable provisions of law. ct.'.l.t the licensee (o transport, ship, and rc<.ci firearms and ammunition covered t j.>,ii. license In Interstate or foreign coiun.<.;<. during the period stated In the llcciisc. io Any application submitted under n.l,sccttons (a) and (b) of this section shall be disapproved nnd the license denied / tin Secretary, after notice and oppr.-v f. r hearing, finds that (It The applicant Is uncicr -I \i.iBe. or "(3) The applicant (including in llic ta.-*r of a corporation, partnership, or association, any individual possessing dirccllv or indirectly, the power to direct or cause tlic direction of the management and policies of the corporation, partnership, or association* i-. prohibited from transporting, shipping : receiving, firearms or nmmunilion in mvnsta'.c or foreign commerce under me pr.mslr>n* of subsection ll or lei of scrtinii j of this Act; or Is, by rcafon of his. bu-mcv. experience, financial standing, or ir.ulr r.11nectlons. not likely to maintain opcr.iu.'ii^ in rompll.incc with thlit Act. or "i3i The applicant has willfully vinlati-.i any ol the provisions of this Act or the ittul.illon* Ifsutd thereunder, or '! The applicant has wlllfullj f.nln! T dl.-.clc><ic any material Information rrr.u-rfil or made any false to ;r\\ rr '

firearms or ammunition Importer, manufacturer, or dealer for the purpose of Inspecting or examining any records or documents required to be kept by such Importer or manufacturer or dealer under the provisions of this Act or regulations Issued pursuant thereto, and any firearms or ammunition, kept or stored by such Importer, manufacturer, or dealer at such premises. Upon the request of any State or possession or political subdivision thereof, the Secretary of the Treasury may make available to such State, or possession, or any political subdivision thereof, any Information which he may possess or which he may obtain by reason of the provisions of this Act with respect to the Identification of persons within such State, or possession, or political subdivision thereof, who have purchased or received firearms or ammunition, together with a description of the firearms or ammunition so purchased or received. "lh) Licenses Issued under the provisions of subsection (c) of this section shall be kept posted and kept available for Inspection on the business premises covered by the license. "(1) Licensed Importers and licensed manufacturers shall Identify (or cause to be Identified). In such manner as the Secretary shall by regulations prescribe, each firearm Imported or manufactured by such Importer or manufacturer." Ore. 4. Section 4 of the Federal Firearms Act is amended to read as follows: "Sic. 4. EXCEPTIONS TO Am-icABrurr OP rnr ACT. "The provisions of this Act shall not apply with respect to the transportation, shipment, receipt, or importation of any firearms or ammunition Imported for. or sold or shipped to. or Issued for the use of (1) the United States or any department, independent establishment, or agency thereof, or (2) any State, or possession, or any department. Independent establishment, agency, or any political subdivision thereof." SEC. 5. Subsection (b) of section 5 of the Federal Firearms Act Is amended to read as follows: "(b) Any firearm or ammunition Involved In. or used or Intended to be used in. any violation of the provisions of this Act. or any rules or regulations promulgated thereunder, or any violation of the provisions of title iaUnited States Code, sections 111. 112, 372. 871. or 1114. shall be subject to seizure and forfeiture and all provisions of the Internal Revenue Code of 1054 relating to the seizure, forcfelturc. nnd disposition of firearms, as defined In section 5848(1) of snld Code, shall, so far as applicable, extend to seizures nnd forcfclturcs under the provisions of this Act." SBC. 6. The Federal Firearms Act Is amended by renumbering sections 0. 7. 8. nnd 9 as sections 8. 9. 10, nnd II. respectively, nnd Inserting after section 5 the following new sections: "Sec. C. RrLtEF OP CONVICTED PERSONS UNDER CERTAIN CONDITIONS. "A person who has been convicted of a. crime punishable by Imprisonment for a term exceeding one year (other than a crime Iniolvlng the use of n firearm ur other weapon or n violation of this Act or ol tho National Firearms Act) may make Application to tho Secretary for relic! from Hie disabilities under tho Act incurred by reason of such conviction, nnd tho Secretary may grant such relief If It Is established to l\. s;istacUon thnt tho circumstances regarding UK conviction, nnd tho applicant's record urn! reputation arc such tho nppll<:nnt will not bo likely to conduct his operatic us In an unlawful manner and thnt the granting of tho relief would not bo contrary to tlic public Interest. A licensee conducting operations under the Act, who make* application for re-



Proceedings and Debates of the 88th Congress LCM (Nw 7411

""H.R. 11377



redinf far amendment, iiliw thc.human and financial *> <f*^fa"**J" *** Uni^d 0Ae fint Mctiofi the HotMe d farther act ^?P%'

debate on, and

as I IIBVC seen a piece of legislation that ww more poorly constructed tlinn this one. I do not know as I Mve seen a piece of legislation where mcn'c pressure has been brought to bear tiix>n the membership than this one, I think it is unprcccndcnted. Certainly from my viewpoint it is. I have heard fi om Congressmen on both sides of the su-Me who told me that there will be varfo'u consequences in (held favor if they can glv6 a-vote-on-tlite-povfirty-bUL ihavcJJcen. told by some of the people on our side of the aisle of instances where there have been offers of unenthusiostlc opposition to tttc'm from the Democratic Party and the Democratic candidate. Most seriously from my viewpoint, the filial pressure that now seems to be underway is to convince those Members who say they cannot bring themselves to vote for this legislation to take a walk. Now. when anybody, least of all, I think, leaders in an Administration; have the temerity to urge Members of Congress to take a walk on an Issue as vital a* this, then I think there is something wrong. ThU is the kind of an issue where I hope every Member is going to be here to vote on the amendments as they are offered, and I hope that every Member that is physically able Js going to be here to be recorded. Certainly this kind of an issue should not be decided by the abaer&e*, by those who take a walk at the request of the administration or anybody else. Mr. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Chairman. wUl the gentleman yield? Mr. OOODELL. Yes. I will yield to ECONOMIC oppoRttmrrv ACT OP the gentleman from California. Mr. ROOSEVELT. The gentleman has made a Very serious chance. Would the gentleman be specific as to what memthat (he House resolve Itself Into the ben of the administration have asked Committee of the Whole House on the any Member of Congress to take * walk? Mr OOODELL. I do not want to get State of the Union for the further consideration of the bill (HJt. 11377) to into any personalities There are a great the human anciai re- many Members who have said this to me, sources of the Nation to combat poverty that thl* is the final desperate request that is urged by various administration in the United State*. The SPEAKER. The qucsUua is on spokesmen. I hope it is not true. It has the motion offered by the gentleman not been done in my presence. The reason why I have brought it to the floor Is from Georgia. to try to prevent this kind of thing from The motion was agreed to. happening if it is going on. I certainly IN T1H COMMRTtt Or Ttlt WKOL* Accordingly, the House resolved Itself do not make any specific chances as to into the Committee of the Whole House individual personalities, z do not think mi ttic State ot the Union for the further that would be proper at this point. Mr. GROSS. Mr. Chairman, will the consideration of the bill. H.R. \1317, with Kentleman yield? Mr. RAINS In the chair, Mr. OOODELL. I yield to the gentleThe Clerk read the title of the bUI. The CHAIRMAN. When the Com- man from Iowa. Mr. GROSS. I do not know what is mittee roue on yesterday the Kuntlcman from New York I Mr. POWKLL) had 1 hour meant by taking a walk on the part of uiui 65 minutes remaining, and the gen- Member*, but yesterday afternoon I saw tleman from New Jersey (Mr FRKUNC- a number of Members taking a walk out "luvsrKl hud 2 hours and 4 minutes re- here to the Rayburn Room, and my suggestion would be Miat If It is going to be mnmitiit'. Tlie Chair recognizes the gentleman used for Shrlvcr headquarters to pressure people to vote for the poverty blU. the from Georgia. Mr LANDRUM. Mr. Chairman. I ask leadership here ought te take the atgn whether the gentleman from New Jersey down out theru that s*yi "Reserved for Member* of Congress," or whatever it Is, dcsiros to yield time. Mr FRELINOHUYSEN. I shall be and let the public in and let everybody ftJud to yield time. Ur. Chairman. I yield In if It is going to be used for a lobbybf 10 minutes to the gentleman from Njw headquarters. YotV IMr.OoootuJ. Mr. CAREY. Mr. Chfcirman, will the Mr OOODELL. Ur. Chairman, let me IenUeman yield to me? say at the outset that as lone as I have Mr. OOCOELL. Yes. I will yield to b*tn here in tlie Congress I do not know the gentleman.

parents of poverty tomorrow. The exist as an ulcer on the healthy artery of American affluence and all our efforts to create new Jobs offer no relief to those who have developed no motivation and no skills witli.^hich to seize opportunity should It, ever come their Y?ay^._-3'n?lrs is the profile 01 a minority Ijroup^-the American.poor. These human beings want nob only to grasp -a few of the necessities of life, bread and butter, and shelter, but they also want U> be a part of and contribute to the.n--n :n and society in which they '. think this is true of the most fo. and desperate boy who walks the streets of the slums of any great city in this countryhopeless, frustrated, deprived of; the nportunity of being a full-fledged human being. I think it is true of the despairing boy of the marginal farm of the South, of the Middle West or the Par West. I think it is true of the boy oh the front porch of the shack in the stripped mines of Appalachia. Shalt we look to the local communities to assume the entire burden of breaking the hammcrlock of poverty, of rescuing these young lives, although in the main they lack both size and economic ability to handle alone a comprehensive attack on poverty? Or shall we shape from our Federal, State, local, and private programs a key with which to open the door on increased earning power and spread opportunities for education, skills and jobs, for health, for community, and area rehabilitation? Only a national, multlprongtd, cooperative program, utilizing nil the resources available to us from these four major areas, can handle a problem which is national In scope and diverse in its causes, while producing the common result of extreme and ircrslstent poverty. Our deficiencies in training and, education among the poor arc being accentcd and increased by our rapid tech. nologlcal advances. A fioou example c-f this in my own State of Oklahoma tus cited by Commissioner of Education Keppcl In his testimony before the committee. He said that recently when nn Armour It Co. plnnt closed in Oklahoma City, an ruUorcnUun commute established by the company, the United Packlnfihoiisc Workers Union, and the Amaleftmnted Meat Cutters Union, f jund that of tha 170 workers who were tested for retrainin?, only CO had enough educational background to indicate that they would benefit from vocational training. The remaining 65 percent were told that thcr beat chance fur implement \\ouUi bv in casual labor. Now via all know that jobs for unskilled labor arc bccunuitb Incicu.MUuly scarce and that many of those in the poverty bracket work at them, sometimes more than one pciJon In the family, and still tiicy cannot make, onouch to provide a decent baste st.wd. ard of living. The minority rcpuit points out Uul poverty has dcca-iuc.l itcudilj o\.t tlm post quarter century. But I am tutd that tiic erosion of poverty has stinted substantially since 1951. which Indicates

The "aged" principal of this little poverty drama in Georgia was one 02-yearold Alvertus J. Butler, who has operated the same store In the same place since 1938. He said that secret service agents had been out to sec him four times in preparation for the President's poverty visit. Despite the elaborate stag* setting, the newspaper acount says the President's first question to Butler was: "Is this your store?" "Yes, sir," said Butler. "I hope I can bunA a new one it ttthe urban renewal programpasses. But I don't wanf to have to move from here if X can help it." Almost Immediately, according to the news accounts. Johnson emerged from the store, outmancuvercd his guards and walked Into the crowd for a round of handshaking. Politics, not poverty, was again the order of the day. Four days ago. on August 2. a reporter for Atlanta. Ga.'s. new newspaper, the Atlanta Times, interviewed Alvertus Butler and got the story that Atlanta's new frontier sheet deliberately overlooked. Alvertus Butler, the Georgia Negro sc\tt,ttd to x\Vi to l#wton Johnson or. May 8 on the subject of poverty, doc* not consider himself In the needy category at all. As was brotiRht out In the Atlanta Times story ott August 2. this Negro operates a successful Janitorial service and store. He has provided his children with college educations. He likes to take long vacation trips every other year, and ha* traveled in Canada and Mexico and every other State on the mainland except Florida. Incldcntialty. he drives a late model Lincoln Continental with air conditioning. The. ftU&nto TtoAft*. ftskcd BuUtt tow he feels about the so-called antipovcrty program. Butler replied:
I do not belltvt In handout* or charity. Charity make* tramp*, not men. A man can get anything he want* If he just work*. I have.
It appears that when better cases are made for rejecting the Landrum-Powell so-called poverty bill, the State of Georgia and Lyndon Johnson will supply them. Mr. PERKINS. Mr. Chairman. I yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. PttXTl. (Mr. DENT asked and was given Pfctn&aton to mis* r.d extend rte remarks.) Mr. DBKB./ Mr. Chairman, a long time ago I JMPdU did not have time
in my busy schedule to read editorials that generally criticized my party or my friends. I did not lose much in not doing that because sooner or later they cropped up in the RECORD. When a Republican had nothing else to do, he would read something -that somebody else thought of for him in the form of an editorial. Mr. Chairman, this legislation appear* to be condemned more by what forae -people think about the approach to presenting the legislation than by wl ,t i contained in it. Very few opposition speakers have taken the time to discus* the need or the lack of need for this kind of legislation. This bill before us for the first time in the history of thi* Nation, or any other civilized nation, i* aimed at the eventual elimination of the oldest curse amongst menpoverty. No nation, no matter how wealthy it may be. can justify a claim to greatness while in its midst it has millions of people, young and old, living in the midst of abject poverty. Some two-fifth* of the citizens of this Nation of our* live in conditions below tne normal standards considered to be a minimum way of life in our Nation. As in most cases of governmental aid and subsidy, thi* legislation started out on the premise that its funds would bt distributed, on the basis of the old formula of need, counting, of course, the average income in a 8tte. This committee has wisely worked out a new formula which will give to the once prosperous State* an even and equitable distribution of the fund* in this particular piece of legislation. Because of the high wage and high income economic conditions in many ot the *ocalleo. wealthy autes ol yesterday, we find that in most ot the appropriating bills that come out of Congret* the northeastern States of thi* Nation hate suffered because of a depreciation in the amount of taxe* paid to the Treasury and the amount returned to that State. If you will look up the' record you will find that the very States that at one time were known a* prosperous State* of this Nation have now become what we call permanently depressed State* of the Union. > X nnd in my long years of living on this earthI say "long" because it will not be a great many yean when I will Yiwvt rrohwa thfc Bfrncftl allowance it three score yean and tenthat poverty has no color. It has no religious creed and no ethnic background. All peoples have had poverty in their midst. To the everlasting credit of this period of our life and our history and to the courageous leadership of the President of the United States. Lyndon B. Johnson, we now arc trying to do something about it. We are not going to believe, as some would, that because there have always been the poor, necessarily there must always be the poor. I will not take the time of this Congress to paint for you a picture of poverty as I have seen it and us \ hv% known It. ttvtat in atrtttebound coal camp in the days before the recognition of the rights of labor. In the cold winter when even the root cellar

living off relief at a cost of 427 million a month. Another 272,000 workers are drawing unemployment compensation. We rib.longer can sustain this drain upon the future of our area and our State, >Ve heed help and we need It now. I say to you, Pennsylvania Members on the Republican side, that if you fall to recognize the needs of your State and vote because of the political turnover of the Governor of your State, a young man whom many, many liberal Republicans had the hope would turn out to be a little differenta man who has called upon, as I understand, the Republican Members, to reject this legislation and yet a man who knows that he has asked and he has begged this Congress to pass a bill known as Appalachia to give some $800 million to that depressed area of out Nation. A great portion of this $800 million will go to the State of Pennsylvania. Can we be so callous in Pennsylvania as to demand for our needy people special legislation and to close the door upon the needs of othc'rs? Arc we as Representatives of that great State saying to this Congress, as did our Governor. "Yes. we want you to give us special legislation to rehabilitate our forests; to reclaim our devastated coal lands: to bring back to our people and to our institutions hope for tomorrow" but only for Pennsylvania and not for the rest of the country? How callous can you be? 1 say to you, I will not ask the Members of this Congress to vote for Appalachia if the Members of tho Pennsylvania delegation do not support the needy in other States of the Union. I say to you that tlus bill is fair. Pennsylvania needs It. If we get from you the aid that we need and wont, then we owe it to you to clve you the old your needs demand. Mr. Chilrman. the legislation before us Is a challenge to every Member of this Congress. The Issues ore clear cuL It Is a division by tills body as to where the resources and revenues of this Nation arc to be used in our effort to rebuild our depreciating personal economy. Tim question of the cost of tills program nppcnrs to be the whipping boy in the efforts of the opportunists to defeat tho measure. Now nil of us must realize that this Is the red herring in the whole tsiiic. When you stop to think about other Items of cost voted for or approved by the silence of the Members, the cost of this program, less than $1 billion, might be c- insidcrcd modest by comparison. My worthy colleagues of the opposition stampeded the rollcall In their efforts to pass a poverty bill subsidizing the textile mill owners the sum of $370 million to be divided up by the mill owners atter they had already cut up their 1DC3 profit pic of $162 million. Now you may not see the need for the families earning under $3.000 a year for the kind of help provided by this present proposal you certainly must admit that the criteria for passing out 1370 million

rcotint the elimination of all safecuards for U.S. industry and the U.8. worker at the Customs Office. No Nation can survive in a free-for-all competitive nght where no holds are barred between high-cost and Jow-cort production areas. I believe tlie issue Is ctaar cut. We cannot fully recoup our losses in AppalachiA while the free-trade nonprotective proponents succeed in their unecono mic. unsound aims, and are left to freely promote thnlr false doctrines of free trade to an unsuspecting public and the Congress of the United States. In the search for an answer to our poverty in some areas we must consider all the angles. The United States is exporting jobs to foreign countries at a faster rate than either industry or Federal subsidy programs can create new ones. This is the inescapable conclusion of a well-documented study of UK effects of this Nation's foreign trade policies on employment trends in this country. The study also revealed: First President Johnson's appealing war on poverty is threatened with dis-
mal failure in iU goal of creating new jobk for America's unsk^led and poorly educated men and women wbo stake up the mass of the Nation's poverty stricken. Second. Our foreicn economic policy not only contra&cU the Job goals of the war or. poverty, but also is unresponsive to the realities of the employment needs of the Notion's impoverished, Jobhungry group, The Economic Opportunity Act of 18*4. the administration's blueprint for waging war on unemployment and poverty, Ignores the impact of foreign trade on Joblessneis. This It an unfortunate and perhaps fatal weakness in the administration's battle plan. The measure does recognise the need for improvement of social services to the poverty strkken. It does provide for job retraining and creation of new edit"** tlonal opportunity*. But these.Heps, while necessary, simply do not in themselves crecte new jobs. The measure. AS introduced, called for an assault on jofcfatnctt through a $3t
which would have been supported by the 21,174 production jobs were lost, Third. Projection of these experience* to cover 152 industries, of which the 48 were merely a sampling, Indicate* that creascd imports. The 152 Industries include the 83 which met all five tests established by the Commerce Department plus 69 others which met 4 of the 5 tests established to identify those with big potential for employment of unskilled workers. Paradoxically, none of the Industries represented in this study were 'damaged by the dramatically higher levels of imports from foreign producers. The American industries, on the contrary, enjoyed moderate to good production, sales. an earning increases, and were able to Increase capital investments to expand production facilities. Where did the damage strike? The full burden of the adverse economic effects of our foreign trade policy was borne by those least able to shoulder It jobless unskilled breadwinners whose families represent approximately onefifth of our 30 million citizens living In poverty today. An increasing proportion of consumer demand in this country for products of the IK industries was met by goods imported from foreign countrieseach of which enjoyed virtually full employment during the 5-year period. Consider these contrasts in unemployment rates for 1962 alone: the United States, 5.6 percent; Japan. OJ ptrcent; Beteium. 1.8 percent; W-vt Germany. 0.7 percent; France, less man 1 percent; United Kingdom, 2 percent; the Netherlands. 0.8 percent: and Italy. 3.1 percent. These unemployments ratios, were recorded in a year when U.8. import* ot goods produced by the 48 Industries studied had reached $686.1 million, a 90.9 percent increase over the level of such Imports In 1958. During this same 5-year period. ?xports of the 48 study industries Increased only 18.8 percent from $638.0 million to $7582 mlUior. Simply put. imports of products of the industries studied quadrupled the rate of growth of their exports during the 5-year period and America's balance of trade shifted from a plus $172.8 million to A minus $129.9 million. It is apparent from these facts that any steps taken to reduce Joblessness in these particular Industries that do not provide for an adjustment in the foreign trade picture will meet with certain failure.

dustry group's export experience. The export experience was significantly influenced by heavy VS. foreign aid expenditures for textile machinery for shipment to underdeveloped countries.As of June 30,1963, project expenditures on textile machinery for countries of the Near East, South Asia, and the Far East during the period 1955-63 totaled $6.2 billion, nonproject expenditures for textile machinery for export to such areas totaled $66.5 million. In fiscal year 1963, 44 percent of AID expenditures for textile machinery were made in the United States. Source: Agency for International Development. From the data presented in table IV, appendix,.the key aspects of the foreign trade experience of the three-industry group arc summarized, as follows: First. Imports of products competitive with tho output of the three-industry group increased at an average rate of 28.1 percent per year, 1958-62. This is double the rate ot the Increased import* affecting the 23-ihdustrjr group, at 14.4 percent, and triple the rats of increased Imports of all manufactures, at 9.2 percent per year. It is also well above the 19.6 percent average rate of Increased imrforts in the 22-industry group. Ihe strength of domestic demand increased in the 3-industry product group at virtually the same rate as in the 23industry group, but below that for all manufacturing. Yet the Imports of the products competitive with the three-industry group rose sharplj at double the rate of increase of the 23-lndustry group. The higher labor intensity of the products of the three in comparison with the 23 provides a partial explanation of the swifter Import rise. Second. Exports by the three-industry group also Increased at a rccordbrcakinc pace. The average rate of increase w* 17 percent per year. 1958-43. compared with a 2.4 percent rate for the 23-industry croup. 2.8 percent for the 22-lndustry group, and 4.8 iwrccnt for all manufacturing as n whole. Foreign aid expenditures for textile machinery, one of the three Industries, chiefly explains this stronit export rise, as previously noted. Third. The balance of trade In the products of the three Industries rose IrrcKUlarly, 1058 through 1961, from $28.7 million to $43.1 million, then dropwd off sharply to $7.9 million In 1963. The drop in the trade balance. 1962 compared with 1958. was 72.5 percent from 1961 to 1002.81.7 percent. Fourth. The ImiwrtaiuV share of apparent domestic consumption rose steadily dining the iwrlod 1958 to 19C2. Increasing at the atcraKC rate of 21 percent. Tills sharj>l> contrasts with the average rate ot Imirort iwnctratlon of 10 IMjrccnt per year for the 22-lndustry Kruitp. 8.C iwrccttt fur the 23-lndustry group, and 3,3 percent per year for all nmm.r.icturlnK as a whole. The export portti". of the total shipments by the lluix-industry uruup fluctuated durliiR Urn period. Increasing on the average by the rate of 1.1 iwrccnt per year.Chart omitted from the RECORD. Because of the strung fort-Inn old subsidization of exports of textile machinery, the exjxMiencc of the three-industry

potential for the guidance of the President. Unless, therefore, the attention of the President is drawn to this problem, he will not have an opportunity to use his authority under section 225 (c) of the Trade ExpaiusJon-ActJ*? rcserye~.the.prp? duct categories of the labor-intensive groups of industries analyzed in this study from further tariff reductions. Second. Should not action be taken by the United States to limit imports of all articles in the product categories of these labor-intensive groups to the extent of restoring to the domestic industry the output lost to imports since 1958? As a result of an adverse shift of $302.7 million in the balance of trade in the products of the 3 industry groups, the Nation sustained a low of 34,937 Jobs. The increase in Imports of articles competitive with the products of these industry groups between 1958 and 1962 equaled $422.9 million. A limitation of import* to an amount 25.8 percent above the 1958 level would restore to these domestic industry groups the output potential lost to foreign producers during the period 1958-62. This restoration would result in an increase in employment in the approximate amount of the 34,937 Job loss referred to above. The reduction in imports required would be $302.7 million, equivalent to only 9.2 percent of the increase in imports in all manufactures between 1958 and 1962. The tariff adjustment authority of the Trade Expansion Act is limited to the correction of "serious injury" to a domestic Industry. The condition precedent to the use of the authority is a determination by the Tariff Commission that Increased imports, caused In major part by a tariff concession, are the major cause of such "serious Injury." This "serious Injury" test Is wholly inapplicable to the situation presented in this study In which actual and potential jobs, urgently required for the Nation In behalf of Its poverty stricken, are being lost due to adverse foreign trade trends. Loss of jobs or job potential in industries capable of providing employment for the poverty stricken is the test required here- -not serious injury to the industries concerned. In the principal Industry croup discussed above, that of the 22 Industries. a "serious injury" determination is out of the question. Is the Nation to be helpless to regulate Its foreign trade so as to serve the needs of its poor? The President has emphasized that no economic objective Is of greater importance, than winning the war on poverty. If jobs are to be created in the requisite numbers t provide employment for thepoverty stricken, major job lows in the Industrie.: wliich must provide that employment must be halted. These Job losses occur in the foreign trade area The action required must be taken In that area. Since the President lacks the authority 'o act. notion should be taken by the Connies to authorize the limitation of Imports in a manner and to the extent necessary to prevent the loss of jobs.

out the taxpayers' money With this kind of propaganda-army fielded by tin; administration at taxpayers' expense, the Republican* may expect a hard fought contest In November. TRACTO* Co., _. Hdrr. Wftitin H". Mictf ,, 207 Old Home Office BuUMnff, Walking ton, DJC. Du* Doo- We note that the House Education nncl Labor-Committee has.^proved the President's omnibus war on poverty bill (Introduced as H-R 10440) We have studied nnd formed some opinions on this approach to solving the problem of poverty In the United States, and I thought you might like to have *ome of our views on this subject. Pint of all, Bon. let mo say tht *e rtcogr ize the seriousness of the problem in the Onlted States. Poverty mny not be ns widespread ns the administration contends, but It does exist in many areas of the Nation, nnd in sufficient degree to be of real concern to alt Americans. For this reason. It deserves public attention and action to seek out solutions. But while some of th propoMl* included ta HJt. 10440 have merit, the bill as a whole seem* to us to represent an extremely costly collection of proposed solutions for effect* rather than causes of poverty la the United State*. To Illustrate how costly this approach would be. w* estimate that the first year cost of this program (ft billion) would tend to add $1 million to Caterpillar's tax bill. That represent* the cost to on* company, and Indicate* how enormously expensive this program would be to many others. We feel there are some positive Alternatives which might prove equally effective. and would not be newly n* costly. In our opinion, the** alternative* deserve serious consideration by our Government In it* efforts to find solutions. Some of the alternative ways to fight poverty In the United State* might be: (1) Continuing effort* to increase TJA export* and thereby create : \or* Job* for Americans. One way to aecom 'inn this: by negotiating reciprocal tariff re uctlons, a* we art attempting to do at the JATT meetings in Geneva. ' (a) Continuing attempt*, to mlnlmlM Inflation. thereby, protecting thbee American*. particularly older people, who or* attempting to live on fixed Income* sometime* only tightly above the 13.000 figure used by the Government a* a measurement of poverty. (3) Restraint by organized labor in It* InacMlng -demands for higher wages and benefit*. (4) Meaningful civil tight* legislation designed to Insure equal educational and employment opportunity for minority groups. (5) More selective ttu of Stnte aid to schools to upgrade education in "poverty Impacted" areas. (0) Elective private locnl. State, and Federal program* to adequately prepare the unemployed for today'* Job needs. (7) Fuller utilization of the handicap d, the aged, nnd the- underemployed by making It possible for them to earn more without Jeopardizing current benefits. (8) Promotion of more labor mobility by making State unemployment compensation program* more Interchangeable. (0) Liberalization of Kerr-MIIU medical assistance to Induce nil StAte* to adopt such programs, maXIng social security-financed hospital cure unnecessary. (101 Concentration of more effort locally to create nn awareness, desire, and willingness on the part of local organizations, such ns chambers of commerce, to find solutions to poverty problem*. Flerue excuse the length of this letter. Boa; but In addition to expressing opposition. I Also.wanted to at least outline aom* ot our


drastic action without a complete revaluation of all of the aspect* of poverty. The House Education and Labor Committee held hearings on this omnibus antipoverty billa bill that even its proponents admitted presented a network of problems. I believe that you will agree with inc that sections of the proposed bill might have better been sc.atlnized by the Banking and Currency, Agriculture, and Ways and Means, Committees. If this had been done. I am certain that we would have eventually had a more operative measure. Seemingly, speed of enactment of this bill took precedence over the proper deliberation that would have perhaps brought about some improvements in the present programs affecting our less fortunate citizens. The distinguished gentleman who is scheduled to head this new agency seemed to be working against a most early deadline. I have been told that many of his friends felt that his leadership for this legislation would make him the most popular political fig. ure in the Nation. Proof that such has not been the case was recently given to us. Great numbers of people did not rally behind him as a champion in the battle against poverty. Many proponents of this bill brought suggested improvements to cur attention. Some mayors of large cities have antipoverty program* now in operation. They arc receiving large fund* from the Federal Government toward their costs. Naturally they are looking to this proposed bill for additional funds. I agree with these local officials In their desire for, and I quote from the words of one of them, "a considered and concerted attack on poverty." I can but believe that you must agree that the legislation before u* hat not had the due consideration that tuch an omnibus bill should have. The mere definition of poverty should be made.

August C

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Our prinury concern is for the less fortunate citizens. This has been true of this Uth Congress as it was true of the 1st Congrea and of ali of the intermedlate Congresses. I reiterate thes truths solely because some stories and speeches mjsht_have led people"to believe that we/the ejected rep-" resentativcs of the people, had no concern for those who were impoverished. These stories must certainly have given the citizens of foreign countries a false impression of our Congress. We all know the full meaning of povertysome of us from first-hand experienceothers from working for welfare measures. From 14 years of service in this House. I know that our concern transcends party lines. Many times, I have worked with members of the opposite political party so as to bring a constructive measure to this floor. This has been particularly true when that measure affected the welfare of the poor. The treat majority of the Members of this House have set aside politics when problems affecting the needy arose. If I were but to describe the programs budgeted for fiscal 1065 that combat poverty. It would consume more time than is allotted for the entire debate on this measure. I would Just remind you that there arc 51 such programs that we have financed. These programs are aimed directly at aiding those in straightened circumstances. The amount involved here Is $8.7 billion. Mot included in this are such recently passed measures as the raise In octal security payments and the tax cut. These affect others than the poor. These funds arc administered by the following Federal departments and agencies: The office of the President; the Agriculture Department,; the Commerce Department: the Health, Education, and Welfare Department; the Interior Department; the Labor Department; the Housing and Home Finance Agency; and the Small Business Administration. They have experience in the handling of these specialized problems. There are those who criticize their administration of reccntly passed legislation afTccting the training and retraining of the uncraployed. These critics would take the administration out of their hands. This Congress hti_ amended Die Manpower Training Act to permit basic education to become pnrt of the job training program. We realize that the battle against poverty should be continuous. Congress has voted for every cojistructlve measure that has rotated toward any solution to the many phases of the problem. Now we arc asked to support an omnibus measure under the direction of a tingle director The Inference can only be that the put congressional approach of creating new programs and placing them in existing governmental agencies was in error. A careful analysis of this measure before us today will show an almost unbelievable amount of duplication of working programs. If. as is claimed, the present programs, arc not effective In combatting poverty, they should 'oo repealed or revise. I certainly would not be in favor of this

jority of those Americans who how lire in poverty Were given half a chance, they could end yes they would pull themselves up by their economic bootstraps. Americans have traditionally had compassion, grcn' compassion, for those in.less.fprtunn.tftcircumstancca-thaa-thent selves. Our history is just full of stories of the pioneers on the frontier helping a new family build their first house or helping those who were victims of flre. Indians, drought or the many other certainties that comprised life in those days. Ours has traditionally been a land of great opportunity with virgin forest eagerly awaiting the lumbermen, with virgin soil responding to the fanners' steel plow and myriads of business opportunities in the cities that formed the r.cart of an economy growing by leaps and bounds. Today the buzz saw has replaced the ax and the electronic drill the miners' pick. Today the tractor has replaced the steel plow and one combine reaps a harvest that once took a thousand men to sow. Small business opportunities have given way to the growth of great corporations that dominate the marketplace. With all these changes has come the standard of living for the average American that is unparalleled in history. With these changes have come machines that have swept the assembly line clear of the unskilled. Machines that have moved from farm to factory to offices replacing many skilled workers in their wake. Perhaps most important of *l are the changes demanded In our 'level of educationno longer can an unskilled, unschooled nun rise to the top. Today's society demand! the best well-trained minds we can muster. Just what are we doing here in America today to provide new jobs to replace the old, to provide new skills to replace the old and to provide a better education and economic opportunity for all? We arc doing far too little and the illl before us today offers us an opportunity to redress a neglect of the p*si Yes, we have given Americans subsistence welfare aid to keep them alive, but we must help them get off the welfare rolls. Yeswe have created jobsthousands of jobsbut they log behind our growing labor force. Yes. we have gotten better schools and better teachers, but the child of poverty docs not need simply better schoolshe needs the best schools to offsot the other experiences in his dally life. It Is time that we dropped our paternalistic attitude by saying these people arc getting welfare and that is all that they need. We need to help them break the welfare cycle and the cycle of dependency that encircles them. Time after time in city after city, it has been shown that the health, education, and welfare services that \vc have been.ovidlng to the poor arc not adequate to the task of remedying their plight. Title II of the bill seeks to remedy this situation and reach these people In a positive way. The missing job opportunities that our forebears found so plentiful in America will be provided both by programs in title I of the bill, by expanding small


lation with a variety of human virtues and human weaknesses. But because we cannot help al), should we neglect all? Our experience has demonstrated that for every new program of opportunity, there has been a wealth of positive reiisouse that justified -Its inception and far outweighed the failures and abuses. We suggest that is the reasonable expectation from this legislatioa It has been said that the sections of this legislation arc 1934 answers to 1064 problems. I would remind all that in 1900 we bought a ticket on a coach which provided transportation in the westin a stagecoach drawn by four. horses. In 1904, we t^t ticket on a coach which is the rear section of a jet propelled aircraft that crosses the United States in 4 hours. There arc some Americans who are not blinded to progress just because we indulge our desires for the familiar by returning the old names and the old forms for the new and more advanced Ideas. Let us keep our eye clear and our purpose progressive. Let us recognize the toe. Let us Join in the tight to vanquish the subsociety of poverty. Mr. LANDRUM. Mr. Chairman. I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California [Mr.
advances of our times, are unable to adequately provide for their children, whose own lack of preparation, opportunity, and Incentive will force them to inhabit the slums of our cities and take place in the economic underworld of the forgotten. This is not what we want for our country, whose income level is at an all-time high, whose vigorous purchasing poorer makes possible a two-car family which has added freezers to their refrigerators, automatic dryers to their automatic washers, swimming pools to their backyards, air conditioners to their homes and cars, and have more free time to switch off the appliances and 'get away from it all. We want a society that provides the opportunity, and the incentive for the victims of adverse circumstances, who with a small push can take his place in our constantly expanding community, and can well be the custodian of our destiny as he takes over when we are gone. He can be trained now to build roads, construct the dams, till the soil, and produce the food that will feed the hungry mouths of humanity. As one who knows, because I was there. I will support the passage of the legislation before us. This will provide opportunity, and (Mr. ROYBAL asked and was given reduce the domain of the poor, the impermission to revise and extend his re- poverished, and the oppressed, making marks.) it possible to emerge victorious in our Mr. ROYBAL. Mr. Chairman, as a war on poverty. Mr. LANDRUM. Mr. Chairman, I former member of the Civilian Conservation Corps of the 1930's, I rise In support yield 10 minutes to the gentleman from of the legislation before us. Florida [Mr. GIBBONS.] I speak from experience when I say <Mr. GIBBONS asked ani was given that the time I spent in the CCC was permission to revise and extend his one of the greatest experiences of my remarks.) life, second only to the privilege of servMr. GIBBONS. Mr. Chairman, X rise ing in the Congress of the United States. in support of this legislation. I believe But it is possible that I would not be it is a very fine legislation. It has cerhere today. had it not been for the op- tainly been well studied and well debated portunity afforded me at a time when in this 6 hours of General debate. Jobs were almost impossible to acquire. Mr. Chairman, based upon the observaand many young men were roaminrr the tion of the faces of my colleagues here streets and highways of our Nation. in the House Mils afternoon, I think It is broken in heart and spirit, and with no obvious that their minds arc made up hope for the future. and we arc now rcndy to vote. As the oldest of a family of eight. I However. Mr. joined the CCC after graduating from arc some thingsChairman. I believe there high school and became a part of n we net to a vote that must be said before working team tlmt helped conserve our of the points andin order to clarify some national parks nnd forests and other re- made here on charges that have been the floor today and sources of our Nation. This provided the incentive that lifted yesterday. First of all. Mr Chairman, we would the feeling of despair, and provided the will to continue my education, mnkinii it tw led to believe that poverty docs not possible to take a place as a successful really exist, based upon the ridiculous arguments that we have heard. Yet. all member of our society. The legislation before iu> can do the of us know that poverty docs really exist same for thousands of young people who, and that It is very rral in our land Mr. Chairman, somcbodj raised the because of circumstances beyond thcit control, arc \lctluu> of the seeds of pov- question as to * net her there were 32 million people living in poverty or 38 million erty. Worst of all, they arc bypiuductn of people living in poverti. I soy to the the subbascmcnl of an affluent society members of the committee that if there whose neglect )uu> condemned them to art just 1 million people living in.ovcrty an imAhuIeaorai: utmoipherc that bienka and we can do something about it. then down the human body and dwUoyi. the it ia incumbent upon this Congress, to act spirit and the hope of the individual. In thl* field, for poverty la the midst of often pm admit his lift and temamiiiK j'knb. winch we have in this great Nahis only legacy for his children. tion. i.s &oim.thing that vie cannot afford Today, thousands of American* lim- as men, as Americans, and as lenders of ing been bypassed by the technological the free world.

Mr. Chairman, the programs listed above are well established, and their administration Is in the hands of recognized Government agencies, manned by experienced personnel. If these programs need tp_bc expanded or modified, their admirifsraUon should; f n our opinion, continue to vest In established Government agencies. I sec serious disadvantages In placing fragmentary duplications of these programs In the hands of a new and untlrcd agency, headed by a new and untried poverty czar. The duplication of function and administrative dispersal contemplated by the pending legislation invites administrative chtUM and confusion which may well Imperil the effective administration of existing programs. There Is no justificationeconomic, organizational, or administrativefor the creation of any such supcragency. (Mr. JENSEN asked end was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Chairman, I yield 6 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Hawaii (Mr. GiuJ. (Mr. GILL asked and was given pcrmisclon to revise and extend his remarks.) Mr. GILL. Mr. Chairman, there has been a great deal of technical discussion on tills bill, but too little time, has been apcnt on the more human problems this measure would attempt to meet. I mention but two: breaking the vicious cycle of poverty and building natural resources for future generations. Most of us. in our own areas, arc familiar with the cycle of poverty. We have notedand the statistics bear It outthat many who arc in the poverty class not only tend to remain there but raise children who in turn tend to remain members of thi* group. To use a social worker's phrase, the "hard-core" welfare cases ore an example of this transmission of poverty from generation to generation. Of course we could brush the matter aside- and say poverty is a person's own fault, or we could approach the ridiculous and order people to stop being poor. Outside of a few fringe elements In our political spectrum, these Ideas have little appeal. Most of us realize Umt falling to share In the abundant opportunities of our abundant society rests both on iwrsonnl motivation and the tanclcd web of circumstance. This bill would attempt to cure both. It docs little pood to toll the unwed mother of half n dozen children who lives on welfare payments, and any other source of funds available that she should stop and Improve herself and her family, wl,cn she hat neither the skill, the motivation, or U > opportunity to do so. It does little Gixxt to tell the young boy of that family Umt he should stay nut of pool halls, that he should RO back to school, that he should take up a useful Ufa elsewhere, when all lie knows of society and comradeship is In that pool hall. In titles 1 and n and in the VISTA corps, we have means to break this cycle. We can offer the boy useful work

Chuic* Percent 1*W/IR ciuoc
torn In employment to Imports: IJ.M7 O.7SIndustrie* ain.luKrt**. 11.070 17.213 4.3S5 t,SU 3lnduUW Total.Gslns In employment


10. IM

I.I43 5.300

,SS 10, son

30. aw

^Industrie* IJ.7 2aindiMrk*.;. 19.439 5.7W aindiDlrhsi Total
IJ.741 -179 14.307 -l.l.. 7.0*3 +I.M7

M.7S7 M.II1

Xrt rain or l< otemplojrmMt iroffl hf ekntmle: 221fldu*trlM aindurtrles 3 Induttrki. TulM.
+se -11.010 -ll.OM. -7.KM -S.77I -2.418 -3.MJ
. 44,7(1 -M.40I -11.174 -444.4
Th* net lots of Job* ot 21.174 represent* the number of potential Jobs lost as a result of the deterioration of our foreign trade balance* In the product* of th* labor-intensive Industrie* included in the three group*. In addition to the direct las* of these production workers, the nonproductlon worker* in the same Industrie* and the. supporting ana service Industry worker* called Into action would have totaled 19.703 (based on 64 supporting workers per 100 production Job* as estimated by ARA) for a gross Job loss of 34*37. The 48 Industries studied are a representattre sampling of 1S2 industries, all of which meet 4 or S of thr Commerce Department tent* for high employment potential ot Impoverished, low-tklll workers. The sample group represents 30 percent ot the IU Industries, rroject.'ng the Job loss experience ot the sample giuup to the larger Croup reveals that the total loss of Job potential due to foreign t"de In Inbor-lntenMv* Industries was HMco durlnc the S-yeor period 1958 to 1962. The total ot Joos exported reaches the stagRfrlng magnitude ot over It time* the number of Job* (10.000, which the administration proposed -rcatlnp through a *3s million Incentive loan fund to the same type* of Industries as were Adversely affected by our foreign trade Imbalance.
sidy programs or Induitry Investment spending can create them. It also becomes clear that our foreign economic policy Is unresponsive to th* realities of the employment needs of the Nation's impoverished, unemployed worker. if /i successful attack on poverty and un; employment Is to be mounted in the United States, some action must be taken to stem the flow of jobs from this country to th* relatively low-wage countries competing with our domestic blue-collar industries. A logical nrst step Is action by President Johnson to reserve the product categories of these labor-intensive Industries from further tariff reductions In the trade agreement negotiations now under way In Geneva. This would rule out the proposed SO percent acrosA-the-board reduction in U.S. duties on the product* of foreign Industrie* competing in our domestic market* with our! own Industries, it would not reverse th* outflow of job* from our shore*, but it would at least Prevent acceleration of thl* trend. A neoMsary second step to trlnf back to thl* country the jobs lost sine* IMS to foreign Industrie* is action to limit import* of the product* of these blue-collar IcdiMtries. This could be achieved by llmltUg iroch imports to aa amount 35J percent abov* tb* IBM level of such imports, thus restoring to domestic industry groups th* output potential lost to foreign producer* since that time. The reduction of import* required would be $302.7 million, equivalent to only 93 percent of the Increase in Import* in alt manufacturing between ItM and 1M2. Congressional action i* needed to set import celling* becuus* the administration nay take such action'only when It find* an Industry or group of Industrie* ha* suffered serious Injury as a result of unfavorable trad* condition*. In tb* case of til* Induetrlt* cited la this study, no such finding I* possible since, a* a group, they are enjoying relatively good fiscal health while the army of unemployed in the Mue-eoller field I* growing year by year M producer* In otb*r land* Increase their sale* la th* tTJ. market at a more rapid rate than th* Nation'* own Industrie*.



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